2003 Creeperian coup d'état

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2003 Creeperian coup d'état
Part of the Creeperian Conflicts
Leaders of the 2003 Creeperian coup d'état.png
The Romerist Military Junta, formed after the coup.
Date18 June 2003; 21 years ago (2003-06-18)
ActionArmed forces put the country under military control.

Armed forces victory

Creeperian government
Commanders and leaders
Units involved
1st Royal Detachment
650 soldiers 102,180 soldiers
Casualties and losses
  • 459 dead
  • 66 executed
  • 125 imprisoned
138 dead
597 military dead, 44 civilians dead, thousands missing

The 2003 Creeperian coup d'état (CreeperianCreeperian: Գոլպե դե Եստադո Ծրեեպերիանո դե 2003; Creeperian – Iberic: Golpe de Estado Creeperiano de 2003), also sometimes referred to as The Coup (Creeperian – Creeperian: Ել Գոլպե; Creeperian – Iberic: El Golpe), The Restoration (Creeperian – Creeperian: Լա'Րեստորածիօն; Creeperian – Iberic: La'Restoración), and 18–J (Creeperian: 18–Ջ), was a military coup d'état in Creeperopolis that deposed the totalitarian government of Emperor Alfonso VI. On 18 June 2003, after four years of totalitarian rule, overt government corruption, political unrest, severe hyperinflation, and surging crime rates, the Creeperian Armed Forces, lead by Chief Field Marshal Augusto Cabañeras Gutiérrez, Chief Admiral Edmundo González Robles, and Chief General Arturo Merino Núñez, seized power in a coup d'état and established a short-lived transitionary military junta. The coup had the support of the government of Quebecshire and the Intelligence Directorate of Quebecshire (DRQ) which sent financial aid and military advice to the Creeperian Armed Forces.

Alfonso VI was proclaimed as Emperor in 1999 following the death of Romero III. During his reign, the Creeperian economy suffered severe hyperinflation, two unpopular treaties were signed with Mara Salvatrucha and the Militarist Front for National Liberation, and the government was clouded by several scandals, most notably Marapolitics. His regime was and has since been labeled as totalitarian, and many have criticized his reign during and after the regime.

During the coup, the army, navy, and air force attacked the Council of Mayors building in San Salvador during a meeting of Alfonso VI with his government ministers and high ranking loyalist mayors. Many were killed or later executed. The San Salvador Imperial Palace and other important government buildings were secured by the armed forces with little to no resistance from imperial guardsmen. The military declared martial law in the wake of the coup and a 10:00 p.m. curfew was initiated across the country.

The armed forces established a military junta and initiated large-scale purges of political and military officials. Cabañeras Gutiérrez gained significant power following the coup and is considered to be one of the most powerful people in Creeperopolis. The military proclaimed Alfonso VI's second and oldest surviving son, Alexander II, as the new Emperor, but the military held absolute authority and control until he was coronated on 15 September 2003 and the junta was officially dissolved. The military, however, continues to hold significant power and influence in Creeperian politics and national governance.

The coup marked a watershed moment in Creeperian history and began the true modernization of the nation and the resurgence of its economy. The coup has been proclaimed by Creeperian propaganda as an event which saved the nation from its impending demise and allowed Creeperopolis to "catch up" with the rest of the world.


Political situation

Alfonso VI in 2001.

Following the conclusion of the Creeperian Civil War in 1949, the victorious Catholic Imperial Restoration Council under Emperor Romero II established the Cortes Generales, the legislative body of the country that replaced the Parliament. The Imperial Council also established the Imperial Court of Justice, the judiciary body of the country that replaced the High Court. Executive power in the country shifted from the abolished office of Prime Minister to the imperial throne, while office of Prime Minister was transitioned to the office of Chief Mayor. The nine ministries of the country remained in place, and most were dominated by the military until they were gradually given over to Initiative administration.

The Nationalist Creeperian Catholic Royal Initiative and the Pro-Fatherland Front of Unification, commonly known as the Creeperian Initiative or simply the Initiative, was established as the sole legal political party as a merger of right-wing political parties in Creeperopolis and its newly annexed territories of Atlántida and Castilliano. The Initiative held all 180 seats on the Cortes Generales, and it functioned effectively as a body that merely approved the actions of the Emperor, almost always voting unanimously in favor of bills.

On 16 October 1999, Emperor Romero III died without an heir, similar to his older brother, Adolfo V, who also died heirless. Romero III was succeeded by his younger brother, Alfonso VI. Upon the ascension of a new Emperor, it was customary to appoint a new Chief Mayor to replace the then incumbent Chief Mayor of the previous Emperor. Alfonso VI did appoint a new Chief Mayor, replacing Martín Gutiérrez Sánchez with Rubén Franco Alcabú, a supporter of Alfonso VI. He also appointed Franco Alcabú to Secretary of the Creeperian Initiative, a position that was held by Antonio Sáenz Flores, a member of the very influential and prominent Sáenz Family who was also the grandson of Antonio Sáenz Heredia, the founder of the Catholic Royalist Party and considered to be the most important Creeperian figure of the Second Parliamentary Era. Alfonso VI also replaced the then incumbent government ministers with his own supporters, something never done previously. Most consequentially, he replaced the Minister of Internal Affairs, Field Marshal Fortunato Galtieri Castelli, with Carlos Menem Menem, the first civilian to hold the position since Miguel Hidalgo Jiménez in 1933. Menem Menem was an Alfonso loyalist, while Galtieri Castelli was a military hardliner and had no blind support for the Emperor. Galtieri Castelli was forced into retirement, and the move was not well received by the military. As a part of the ceasefire, Alfonso VI canceled Project Atlácatl, a program of various experiments on human subjects that were organized by and executed by the National Intelligence Directorate (DINA), the intelligence agency of Creeperopolis, and in certain instances, the Army.[1]

Since 15 October 1979, Creeperopolis had been waging a war against Mara Salvatrucha, the country's largest and most powerful gang and criminal organization that practically functioned as a paramilitary, in the Mara War. Ministers of Internal Affairs Galtieri Castelli and Agustín Lanusse Melendez, both active Field Marshals during the terms, held a hardline anti-Mara stance and had a policy of no tolerance against Mara Salvatrucha. On 1 January 2000, Alfonso VI and Menem Menem signed a historic ceasefire with Alexander Ramírez Umaña, the leader of Mara Salvatrucha, and both agreed to cease hostilities between each other. The Creeperian government agreed to no longer arrest gang members or execute any gang member they held in custody in exchange for Mara Salvatrucha ceasing all operations, but the gang continued its activities. Murders, rapes, robberies, and other crimes committed by Mara Salvatrucha went ignored, as the Minister of Law Enforcement, Roberto Morales Obregón, supported Alfonso VI and turned a blind eye to the crimes being committed. Minister of Defense Emmanuel Cabañeras Videla held serious objections to the ceasefire, but Alfonso VI and Menem Menem had been slowly draining his power and influence over the armed forces. Cabañeras Videla was not removed from his position, however, as Alfonso Vi feared a military mutiny as he was a member of the highly influential Cabañeras military family. The ceasefire was extremely unpopular with the citizens and the military, but they were powerless to do anything about it. Romero Guerrero González, a prominent voice in the Cortes Generales against the ceasefire, disappeared on 19 December 2000 and has never been found.

The situation grew worse, as in 2002, it was discovered that many prominent government officials and corporate administrators were involved in the operations of Mara Salvatrucha in order to increase their personal fortunes. The scandal was coined as Marapolitics, but news and information about the scandal was censored and suppressed by the Creeperian government.

Military situation

The Creeperian Armed Forces has been hardline supports of the Mara War, as were the three major branches of the armed forces: the Army, Navy, and Air Force. The Minister of Defense, Cabañeras Videla, was opposed to the ceasefire signed in 2000, but he was able to do little about it, as Menem Menem and Alfonso VI had managed to convince the armed forces to accept the ceasefire, but they were reluctant to do so, fearing purges. Anti-Alfonso sentiments began to build within the armed force branches except for the Imperial Guard which was mostly loyal to Alfonso VI as it served as his personal bodyguard, especially the 1st Royal Detachment.

On 17 May 2000, Alfonso VI signed a second historic ceasefire, this time with the left-wing Militarist Front for National Liberation (FMLN) fighting for the independence of the departments that made up the former Kingdom of Castilliano, annexed in 1949. The parties signed the Treaty of Adolfosburg which stipulated that the Castillianan National Council of Reorganization (CNRC) and the Union of Castillianan Opposition Forces (XFOC) would gain de facto control over all of the Castillianan departments. The FMLN was made into the legal military wing of the Castillianan National Council of Reorganization and Schafik Handal López was installed as its President. The Castillianan National Council of Reorganization agreed to remain a part of Creeperopolis for five more years, when the Castillianan departments would have a free and fair referendum on wether Castilliano should gain independence, remain a part of Creeperopolis, or remain a part of Creeperopolis but with greater autonomy. All Creeperian forces withdrew from the Castillianan departments entirely on 3 August 2000. The treaty was met by outrage, especially by nationalists that believed Alfonso VI had given away half of Creeperopolis. Gustavo Duarte Carpio, the leader of the ultranationalist far-right Militarist Nationalist Front death squad, declared that Alfonso VI was a traitor to the nation and called for open rebellion against his regime.

On 29 April 2002, Grand Prince Alfonso Martínez Hernández, the eldest son and heir apparent of Alfonso VI, was shot in Adolfosburg, Adolfosburg, when he was on his way to oversee the construction of a religious monument in the city. The bullet came from a sniper believed to be hiding in a nearby skyscraper. The country immediately went on high alert and the Army was stationed in the streets of Salvador, Adolfosburg, and San Salvador to thwart any other possible assassination attempts. The National Intelligence Directorate was immediately ordered to investigate the assassination, but the DINA found little to no evidence as to who the assassin was, where the assassin was, and why the Grand Prince was assassinated. Alfonso VI was infuriated at the poor investigation conducted by the DINA and he began to suspect that the DINA itself assassinated the Grand Prince. On 19 October 2002, Cabañeras Videla, who was also serving as the Minister of Intelligence, was found dead in his home, with the official account at the time stating that he had died of heart complications induced by the stress of the investigation. Currently, the Creeperian government officially states that Cabañeras Videla was actually assassinated on the orders of Alfonso VI. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Augusto Cabañeras Gutiérrez, to the positions of Minister of Defense, Minister of Intelligence, and Supreme Caudillo, and Alfonso VI believed that Cabañeras Gutiérrez would remain loyal to him and not suspect anything about his father's death.

Economic recession

Beginning in 1999, the Creeperian economy had began a period of severe hyperinflation. The hyperinflation was caused by several decisions made by Francisco Morales Bermúdez, the Minister of the Treasury. Morales Bermúdez had placed heavy taxes on several corporations, causing them to increase prices on their products so that they would be able to pay their taxes and still make profits, which increase taxes, leading to higher prices, which spiraled into uncontrollable hyperinflation. The hyperinflation grew truly severe in 2002 when inflation rates reached 89,719,571 percent, a significant increase from the previous year which witnesses inflation of 445,185 percent. Several economists called for the cancelation of the new taxes and possibly replacing the Creeperian Dollar, but the regime ignored the economists' advice.

Planning the coup

Military preparations

Following the death of Cabañeras Videla, Alfonso VI believed that his son and successor, Cabañeras Gutiérrez, would be more loyal to him as he had given him three very important positions in the Creeperian government and military. In the year leading up to the coup, Cabañeras Gutiérrez appeared in public alongside Alfonso VI, seemingly as a loyal ally, however, in the year leading up to the coup, Cabañeras Gutiérrez had been working to overthrow Alfonso VI as he suspected that he had his father assassinated.

In December 2002, Cabañeras Gutiérrez summoned a meeting with the heads of the other two major branches of the armed forces, Chief Admiral of the Navy Edmundo González Robles and Chief General of the Air Force Arturo Merino Núñez. Both González Robles and Merino Núñez were in office before Alfonso VI ascended to the throne and both opposed his reign; the three agreed that Alfonso VI had to be overthrown. The three did not want to contact Armando Figueroa Molina, the Chief Guard of the Imperial Guard, as they believed he was too loyal to Alfonso VI and did not want to risk compromising the coup.

The three leaders needed to consider what government would be installed following the coup. They considered abolishing the monarchy, but they feared the wrath of the Creeperian people who revered the monarchy as chosen by God to rule the nation. They decided to approach Alexander Martínez Hernández, the eldest surviving son of Alfonso VI, and offered him the throne if he agreed to join the conspiracy against his father. He agreed and joined the coup, likely being convinced after being paid a large bribe by the military or merely by the idea of sitting on the imperial throne of Creeperopolis.

Quebecshirite involvement

Seeing the ongoing arrests against Quebecshirites in Puerto Francisco, the Quebecshirite consulate in Puerto Francisco sent a request to Speaker of the Parliament Aaron Alméras to come to an agreement or take action against the Creeperian government. Alméras knew that the Creeperian government would be very difficult to cooperate with and so requested Rebecca Solé, the Administrator of National Defense, to conduct a covert operation to overthrow the Creeperian government and install a new government that would be more cooperative with the Quebecshirite government.

Solé tasked Léo Gérald, the Director of the Intelligence Directorate of Quebecshire (DRQ), with forcing a regime change in Creeperopolis. Alméras and Solé both wanted a democratic government installed in Creeperopolis, but Gérald argued that installing democracy in the Surian country would cause serious destabilization, not only in the country where warlords would likely rise up against the democratic government, but in other nations where mass uprisings could challenge and possibly overthrow autocratic governments or very corrupt democracies, causing severe humanitarian crises that Quebecshire would be responsible for. He also added that the military would be heavily resistance to installing such a government and would resist themselves, forcing Quebecshire to send soldiers overseas to fight in Creeperopolis. They reluctantly settled on replacing the incumbent totalitarian regime with a merely authoritarian regime.

Gérald dispatched agents to Puerto Francisco in January 2003 and managed to get in contact with González Robles, who the Quebecshirites believed was the most likely to agree to such a regime change. The agents eventually were in full contact with Cabañeras Gutiérrez, González Robles, and Merino Núñez and informed the three that the Quebecshirites were willing to help fund their coup and provide any military advice that they would find useful. From February 2003 to June 2003, the Administration of International Affairs of Quebecshire sent money to the consulate in Puerto Francisco under the guise of renovations which was approved by the government as the consulate had been ordered to replace all the Quebecshirite signage with signs in Creeperian. A portion of the money was used to renovate the consulate, but no signage was changed, while the majority of the money was funneled to the Creeperian Armed Forces to finance the coup. Most of the money went to bribing officers into supporting the coup and preforming maintenance on vehicles, ships, and aircraft in preparation.

Final mobilization

Cabañeras Gutiérrez, González Robles, and Merino Núñez decided that each would send one division each to participate in the coup. Every military officer with a rank equivalent of OF-7, OF-8, OF-9 and had been supportive of the coup or were bribed to support the coup to prevent a counter coup against the new government. The three units selected were the 1st Army, the 16th Flotilla, and the 18th Air Force Wing. Each of the three units chosen to mobilize were stationed in San Salvador as to avoid any suspicion from Alfonso VI about units moving considerable distances.

On the night of 17 June 2003, each of the three units were ready to mobilize on the capital right at dawn. The 1st Army numbered around 100,000 soldiers. The 1st Infantry Division, better known as the División Negra or Black Division, was among the mobilized divisions. The Black Division was refounded by Alfonso VI in 1999 and was composed of elite soldiers, and Cabañeras Gutiérrez managed to convince them to abandon any loyalties to Alfonso VI, as they had served under him for many years, and instead fight for the betterment of the country. The divisions mobilized by the 1st Army were the 1st, 8th, 9th, 13th, 16th, 17th, 18th, 23rd, and 29th Infantry Divisions and the 5th Armored Division. The 16th Flotilla numbered around 2,080 sailors and was composed of one heavy cruiser (the BIC San Salvador), two light cruisers (the BIC Tuxta Martínez and BIC San Nicolás), two submarines (the BIC DA 101 and BIC DA 103), and three destroyers (the BIC La'Victoria, BIC La'Libertad, and BIC La'Unión). The 18th Air Force Wing numbered 100 fighter pilots and was composed of fifty Maroto Botín FA-13 fighter jets. Gerardo Barrios Dueñas, a General Guard of the Imperial Guard, joined the plot and was intended to assume the position of Chief Guard following the coup.

Military action

At 7:00 a.m. on 18 June 2003, Alfonso VI held a meeting with several of his government ministers and high ranking loyalist government officials in the Cortes Generales building. Present at the meeting were Franco Alcabú, Menem Menem, Costa Araujo, Morales Obregón, and Figueroa Molina. Cabañeras Gutiérrez, González Robles, and Merino Núñez were invited but they declined to arrive, citing preparations for a new offensive against the Senvarian Liberation Front. The meeting was scheduled in May 2003 which made the three leaders aware of the meeting and scheduled the coup accordingly.

"Citizens of the Fatherland, I have faith in Creeperopolis and His destiny. Other men will overcome this dark and bitter moment when treason seeks to prevail. Keep in mind that, much sooner than later, the great avenues will again be opened through which will pass free men to construct a better society. Long live Creeperopolis! Long live the people! Long live the workers! These are my final words, knowing that my sacrifice will not be in vain."

Alfonso VI, 8:39 a.m. 18 June 2003

At 7:30 a.m., the 1st Army mobilized its forces and moved to occupy important government buildings and radio stations, the 16th Flotilla moved to blockade important ports and access to the Asambio River, and aircraft of the 18th Air Force Wing took off carry cluster bombs. The army secured the San Salvador Imperial Palace, killing several imperial guardsmen in the process. Hernández Martínez and the rest of the royal family were secured by the army and ensured an heir would be present. Alfonso VI was made aware of the conspiracy that was unfolding and quickly sent orders to other military units to intervene and stop the rebel military units, but no units responded as they had sided with the conspirators. The Imperial Guard present at the meeting was the only unit available to respond, as was the 1st Royal Detachment which mobilized to the Cortes Generales building.

By 8:00 a.m., the Army had captured every major radio station in San Salvador and the Air Force began bombing the Cortes Generales building. During the bombing of the building, Alfonso VI gave his final radio address which are commonly associated as his final words. By 9:00 a.m., the Army stormed into the building and engaged in combat with the Imperial Guard. At 9:38 a.m., the Army declared that the building had been secured and that Alfonso VI was dead, ending the Alfonsisto. Figueroa Molina was also dead, but most of the remaining officials were captured.


During the coup, several important politicians were captured. Among the captured were Franco Alcabú, Menem Menem, Costa Araujo, and Morales Obregón. Franco Alcabú was executed the day of the coup and his death was announced the following day. The other three were tortured and held captive until 19 July 2003 when they were executed. Their deaths were confirmed on 16 March 2004.

Sixty-three other people were executed immediately following the coup. Thousands more were executed, imprisoned, or disappeared during the subsequent purges that occurred from 2003 to 2004. Official death tolls count 459 dead on the side of the Alfonsisto and 138 dead on the side of the military. An additional 125 were confirmed to have been imprisoned by the military. Civilian deaths stood at 44, most of whom were killed by stray fire from the engagement at the Cortes Generales building. The military held funerals for its dead on 18 July 2003 and their families were compensated, all being posthumously awarded Stars of the Imperial Army. Those killed who fought for Alfonso VI were not given funerals and their families were not compensated.

Following the coup, many politicians, corporate officials, and military officers were arrested for their loyalty and allegiance to the regime of Alfonso VI. Many of those arrested were disappeared and have not been released or declared dead. The Creeperian government has refused to comment on anything regarding the purges and no one has been prosecuted for any crimes committed during the purges.

Alfonso VI's death

The death of Alfonso VI was one of the most controversial aspects of the coup. Immediately after the coup, the military stated that he was killed in action during the engagement at the Cortes Generales building. Supporters of Alfonso VI, such as Orlando Hernández Alvarado, the founder of the El Faro newspaper, assert that he was illegally executed by the military instead of being killed in action.

In 2004, the National Intelligence Directorate released a report stating that evidence points to Alfonso VI having committed suicide. In Creeperopolis, committing suicide is considered taboo and many believe that those who do so are judged stricter by God or sent immediately to purgatory or hell. Creeperans consider fighting to the end more dignified than committing suicide, pointing to the Battle of Xichútepa and the death of Tapayaxi I as an example of such. Supporters of Alfonso VI continue to deny that he committed suicide and continue to assert he was executed or died in action.


Military rule

Following the coup d'état, the military established the the Romerist Military Junta, a military junta that weilded absolute power and authority in Creeperopolis. The military junta composed of Cabañeras Gutiérrez, González Robles, Merino Núñez, Barrios Dueñas, with Cabañeras Gutiérrez serving as the President of the junta.

Cabañeras Gutiérrez (Army): The Armed Forces have acted today solely under patriotic and nationalist inspiration of saving the Fatherland from the tremendous chaos and anarchy into which He was being plunged into by the Miguelist regime of Alfonso VI.[note 2] The Romerist Military Junta will maintain executive, legislative, and judicial authority while it is in power. The Cortes Generales will remain in recess until further notice, and we officially proclaim Alexander Romero Adolfo Martínez Hernández as Emperor, to be coronated on 15 September 2003 in accordance with the Fatherland's tradition, when this junta will dissolve and hand over power to the rightful Emperor and Council and Tribune.

González Robles (Navy): It is unfortunate that we have had to break the imperial and God-sanctioned tradition of succession and governance which in the Fatherland has lasted since the establishment of the Fatherland by Felipe I, however, when the Fatherland loses His qualities and His foothold, there are those, who by mandate, have to enforce them and support Him and take on that task. The Armed Forces have done that today, and with God's divine approval, we are sure that all of Creeperopolis has to understand the sacrifice that entails.

Merino Núñez (Air Force): This is not a matter of squashing tendencies, or ideological trends, or carrying out personal revenge, but, as the Romerist Military Junta has stated, of re-establishing public order and returning the Fatherland to observance of not only the national Constitution and laws, but also of the divine laws of God presented through the Prophets and through the Savior, Jesús Cristo.

Barrios Dueñas (Imperial Guard): After four years of suffering the Miguelist cancer which led us to economic, moral, and social disaster which can no longer be tolerated for the sacred interests of the Fatherland, we find ourselves obliged to take on the difficult and painful mission which the Armed Forces have undertaken. We are not afraid; we know the enormous responsibility that will rest on our shoulders, but we are convinced, and we are quite sure that the vast majority of the Creeperian people are with us. They are willing to fight against Miguelism! They are willing to stand with God and stamp it out down to the final consequences!

— Romerist Military Junta, 18 June 2003

The military established martial law and a 10:00 p.m. curfew across the entire country. The curfew was enforced, and people who violated curfew were detained for a short period. Contrary to popular belief, those detained for violating curfew were not tortured as no evidence of such torture has ever been uncovered. Shortly after the military's takeover of power, the military continued the two wars the Alfonsisto ended; the Mara War on 19 June 2003 and the Castillianan Insurgency on 2 July 2003.

Political ramifications

During the rule of the junta, the Cortes Generales and the Imperial Court of Justice were suspended and held no authority. The ministries of the country were controlled by the junta and Alexander II held no real power and ruled as merely a figurehead. As a direct consequence of the coup, many in the Cortes Generales were purged and had to be replaced. The effectively lost all of the little power it had as a result of the coup.

On 15 September 2003, the Romerist Military Junta official dissolved and Alexander II was coronated as Emperor of Creeperopolis. Although Alexander II de jure was installed as an absolute monarch, the military held and continues to hold significant influence in Creeperian politics. Cabañeras Gutiérrez continues to manage several important aspects of the Creeperian government despite legally being restricted to military affairs. He has been involved in every ministry of the government and effectively acts as de facto ruler of the country.


Domestic reactions

Civilians in Creeperopolis mostly supported the coup as most people had a negative opinion of Alfonso VI's regime. Politically, the Creeperian Initiative denounced the coup as treason and as violating several capital crimes of Creeperopolis. After the coup succeeded, party leadership was purged and replaced by Alexander II and military loyalists. The Creeperian Initiative then subsequently endorsed the coup.

Mara Salvatrucha denounced the coup as a threat to peace and stability of the nation. The Militarist Front for National Liberation also denounced the coup, claiming that the military intended to ignore the treaty signed which would grant Castilliano independence in 2005. The Senvarian Liberation Front denounced the coup, but stated that both government were a threat to Senvarians regardless. Several death squads which operated in the country praised the coup and stated that it would save Creeperopolis from falling further.

International reactions

  •  El Salvador – President Armando Calderón Sol expressed his support for the coup, stating that "[t]he overthrow of Alfonso VI was the best thing possible for the further advancement and development of Creeperopolis."
  •  Rakeo – A Public Release from the Directory of Diplomacy stated: "We are sure that the side favored by God will prevail in just governance of Creeperopolis, and we will support them in spirit, sending our thoughts and prayers to them."[2]
  •  Sequoyah – President Wohali Nashoba made a statement via the Asequi Expositor: "The Sequoyan Government is monitoring the situation in Creeperopolis. We are saddened by the violence that has taken place, but hope to quickly establish relations with the new government. It is our desire that further bloodshed be prevented and our strong relationship with the Creeperans continue."[3]
  • State of the Church State of the Church – Pope Juan Pablo II stated that war must always be avoided, but in this instance, it was the only way to protect the Creeperian people and protect God's reign in Creeperopolis.
  •  Morova – The government of Morova released a statement two days following the coup: "The Morovan [g]overnment condemns political violence. It is clear to us that the dangerous mix of [C]atholicism and rampant capitalism in Creeperopolis have destabilized their government and allowed their people to fall victim to violent regime changes. We hope that the cycle of violence in Creeperopolis will end. We call on the new regime to establish peaceful relations with the world as soon as possible."[4] The government also mobilized four submarines to patrol Morovan waters.[4]
  •  Reykanes – Prime Minister Þorgeir Örlygsson stated, "Reykani and Creeperian relations haven't been the best, but this may start a new start. Most of us ignore what's happening in Creeperopolis as its far south enough that it normally wouldn't effect us, but this could spark a interest. We can start opening to each other. We won't close our borders to Creeperopolis since we don't want to cause them trouble, and just closing the border will just lead to hostile intentions. We would be happy to trade with them to help them up, as we need more allies in the south."[5]
  •  Quebecshire – The Quebecshirite government released a statement the day after the coup. "The government of Quebecshire hopes to see a prompt resolution and conclusion to the violence and unrest in Creeperopolis. That said, we recognize the new government led by Augusto Cabañeras Gutiérrez and have instructed our diplomatic missions and consulates in Creeperopolis to begin communication with his government. Furthermore, we hope that the new government is able to remedy some of the exasperation of certain crises that became more prevalent under the Alfonso VI regime."[6]
  •  Terranihil – The Office of the Director of Foreign Affairs released a statement authorized by Chairwoman Žiel Igevin regarding the coup. "The regime change in Creeperopolis will not significantly change Creeperian-Terranilian relations. Whether it is an emperor or military in control, the nation remains a theocratic, regressive, oppressive dictatorship opposed to Terranilian interests. Terranihil therefore condemns the new military junta, as well as all the regimes that preceded it."[7]
  •  Tirol – The following is a statement released by Premier Henric Klarer on 19 June 2003: "In the past 24 hours, we have seen reports of high concern regarding the military takeover in Creeperopolis. Though we have never expressed support for the Alfonsisto, the military government has not yet proven to the world that it shall have any better a record on human rights and the treatment of its citizenry. However, should there be a swift transition to a democratic and stable government, we are prepared to not only recognise the new government, but actively support it. The eyes of the world are watching, let us hope this period of Creeperian instability will come to an end."[8]
  •  AjakanistanVladimir Kareiv, the Supreme Leader of Ajakanistan, made a public statement regarding the coup, stating: "This was inevitable to happen. It's sad really, such a beautiful country with a such a beautiful culture being abused like this by the corrupt militias and traitors. We hope that Creeperopolis gets back on its feet, but until then, we will close all borders with Creeperopolis until everything is safe again."[9]
  •  Gjorka – President Joe Wallace made a statement before press regarding the events occurring in Creeperopolis: "We are monitoring the situation happening in Creeperopolis. Our current intelligence tells me a military regime has secured power. I am officially issuing a travel ban to Creeperopolis by presidential decree until the situation subsides. For the past couple of years the people of Creeperopolis have suffered, and we hope that this coup will not worsen their situation. Gjorka will not be contacting any Creeperian [o]fficials until we can determine what is currently happening. Any further questions should be directed to the Minister of Global Relations."[10]
  •  Paleocacher – The Paleocacherian Department of Foreign Affairs released a statement the day following the coup which said: "Recent events in Creeperopolis are cause for great concern due to the large population of ethnic [Creeperans] in our country. Our government is monitoring the situation closely and will take appropriate measures in response. Right now it seems that the new emperor has the backing of the rest of the government and so it is likely that Paleocacher will recognize the legitimacy of his rule in coming days. In the meantime all Paleocacherian citizens in the country are advised to contact the embassy for instructions."[11]
  •  Reia – The High King of Reia made a public statement the day following the coup: "I, 125th High King of Reia, High King Heiwa heir to High King Hirowa, rightful ascendant, speak here today in behalf of the Royal House of Reia, as well as the National Government of the High Kingdom of Reia. The High Kingdom believes that a Ruler can only be called a rightful ruler if they achieve their seat in power through rightful means, having observed the recent events that have transpired in the Empire of Creeperopolis, noting that the current holder of the Creeperian throne having achieved power through unlawful means hereby renounces the legitimacy of Crown of Alexander II of Creeperopolis for an unspecified amount of time. However we recognize and acknowledge the terrible reign of the late Alfonso VI of Creeperopolis, his legacy will have been his corruption and the other atrocities committed during his reign, his tenure being abruptly ended by his death. A leader at the end of the day depends on his constituency to see him as their rightful leader and it appears that the People of Creeperopolis do not see Alfonso VI as one. All things said the High Kingdom of Reia shall not undermine the regime of Alexander II of Creeperopolis, and in due time hope to see the current holder of the Imperial Crown of Creeperopolis prove worthy of the recognition of not only all the other Monarchs of the world but the international community, then the High Kingdom of Reia, the Royal House of Reia, and the National Government of the High Kingdom of Reia shall renounce its current stance on the legitimacy of the Creeperian Crown and officially acknowledge its validity."[12]
  •  ZloveshchiyAlexei Volkov, the President of Zloveshchiy, made a public statement regarding the coup, stating: "This is an interesting turn of events for Creeperopolis, and one that would certainly change its future for the better, or worse." He also stated that Zloveshchiy would close its borders to the Creeperian people until the situation had "calmed down to a reasonable level."[13]


The coup d'état has been considered one of the most important events in Creeperian history, on par with the Creeperian Civil War, the Revolution of 1833, the Creeperian Crusade, and the War of Creeperian Unification. The coup has been called a second Revolution of 1833 as both occurred in very similar conditions. The coup increased the popularity of Emperor Adolfo III, who had previously been seen as a tyrant, but has since been seen as a liberator.

In popular culture

The coup d'état has been adopted into many books, movies, television shows, songs, and many other forms of media, both in fiction and nonfiction genres. The most popular and most well-received book covering the coup d'état was El Autogolpe de 2003 by Orlando Pareja Palau, released on 18 June 2013, the 10th anniversary of the coup. Other books written about the coup include Revolución y Liberación (2010), El Poder de Alexander II (2014), Cabañeras (2015), and 2003 (2019).

Many movies have been made regarding the coup, including the 2013 film 2003 by Carlos López Yagüe. Other movies made about the coup include Caído de Gracia (2004), El Autogolpe (2007), Alfonsisto (2009), Lucha en San Salvador (2010), Luchador (2012), Amor por la'Patria (2014), Barrios Dueñas (2017), 18-J (2019), and Honor más de Gloria (2020). The coup has featured on many television shows, either as plot points of specific episodes, or as the theme of the entire show, with the most notable show being based entirely on the coup being the 2011 series Ya Biene'l Tiempo.

Valentín Elizalde Valencia's song "Vencedor" was released in June 2018, and many associated its name as a reference to the coup.


Soldiers of the 1st Army marching in a military parade on 18 June 2013, the 10th anniversary of the coup d'état.

Every 18 June, the Creeperian government hold a military parade, the 18 June Liberation Parade, in San Salvador outside of the Imperial Palace to commemorate and remember the coup. The units that participated in the coup, the 1st Army, 16th Flotilla, and 18th Air Force Wing, participate in the parade. Civilians are encouraged to attend the parade, and attendance ranges from 250,000 to 1 million annually, with the record attendance being 2.4 million on the 10th anniversary. The street the San Salvador Imperial Palace is on was changed to Avenida 18 de Junio (18 June Avenue) on 18 June 2005.

City streets across the country are covered in Creeperian flags, and in the largest cities, fireworks are launched at night. Since 2005, the day has been labeled as an official national holiday and schools are prohibited from holding classes, one of only four days where school classes are banned outright, with the others being Christmas, Good Friday, and Easter. The government also mandates businesses pay overtime for anyone that works on 18 June, one of only four days the government mandates such payment of employees, with the other two again being Christmas, Good Friday, and Easter.

10th anniversary

The 10th anniversary of the coup d'état was the largest commemoration of the coup. Attendance for the military parade numbered 2.4 million, the most ever recorded. Alexander II gave his longest speech of his reign during the military parade which lasted three hours and fourteen minutes. The speech, called Diez Años han Pasado, or Ten Years have Passed, has been considered one of the greatest speeches ever given by a Creeperian by several media outlets.

Television stations across the country played movies and television shows about the coup nearly the entire day and many newspapers reran publications published the day of the coup. Pareja Palau's book, El Autogolpe de 2003, and López Yagüe's film, 2003, both released on the 10th anniversary, and both were really well received by critics and consumers alike.

See also

Creeperopolis portal
Terraconserva portal


  1. Alexander II had little involvement in the actual planning or execution of the coup d'état, but he was used as a figurehead of the Romerist Military Junta following the coup d'état and was declared as a vital asset in the success of the coup d'état.
  2. Augusto Cabañeras Gutiérrez called the regime of Alfonso VI as "Miguelist," a far-left ideology that is a form of communism formed by the National Council for Peace and Order during the Creeperian Civil War of 1933 to 1949. The ideology was formed by individuals such as Miguel VII, Cayetano Handel Carpio, Joel Lacasa Campos, and Mariano Alcocer Fraga. The government of Alfonso VI was by no means in any form Miguelist except for the fact that it was very totalitarian. The government of Alfonso VI fits more with the Romerist ideology the military junta claimed to abide by, but much more totalitarian. He likely used the term Miguelist in order to demonize his government, damage his government's credibility, and eliminate any remaining support for Alfonso VI.



  1. Unknown 2004, p. 5
  2. "Public Release from the Directory of Diplomacy" (in Rakeoian). Olino, Rakeo: Directory of Diplomacy. 18 June 2003. p. 1. Retrieved 21 January 2021.CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  3. Clinton, John (20 June 2003). "Sequoyan Reaction to the Coup of 2003" (in Sequoyan). Asequi, Sequoyah: Asequi Expositor. p. 1. Retrieved 21 January 2021.CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  4. 4.0 4.1 "Morovan Reaction to the Coup of 2003" (in Morovan). Kieva, Morova: Government of Morova. 20 June 2003. p. 1. Retrieved 22 January 2021.CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  5. Örlygsson, Þorgeir (18 June 2003). "Reykani Statement on the 2003 Coup" (in Reykani). Hafnir, Reykanes: Government of Reykanes. p. 1. Retrieved 11 September 2021.CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  6. "Official Quebecshirite Statement on the 2003 Coup" (in Quebecshirite). Quebecshire City, Quebecshire: Government of Quebecshire. p. 1. Retrieved 21 January 2021.CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  7. Igevin, Žiel (19 June 2003). "Official Terranilian Statement on the 2003 Coup" (in Terranilian). Minaltar, Terranihil: Office of the Director of Foreign Affairs. p. 1. Retrieved 21 January 2021.CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  8. Klarer, Henric (19 June 2003). "Tiroler Response to the 2003 Coup" (in Ladin). Innsbruck, Tirol: Government of Tirol. p. 1. Retrieved 11 September 2021.CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  9. Kareiv, Vladimir (19 June 2003). "Official Ajaki Statement on the 2003 Coup" (in Ajaki). Zhelesboksarsk, Ajakanistan: Government of Ajakanistan. p. 1. Retrieved 1 October 2021.CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  10. Wallace, Joe (19 June 2003). "Gjorkan Response to the Coup of 2003" (in Gjorkan). Gjorkan City, Gjorka: Government of Gjorka. p. 1. Retrieved 21 January 2021.CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  11. "Paleocacherian Department of Foreign Affairs Statement on Creeperian Coup, 19 June 2003" (in Cantuath). Gardena, Paleocacher: Paleocacherian Department of Foreign Affairs. 19 June 2003. p. 1. Retrieved 21 January 2021.CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  12. Terunori, Hyuuga (19 June 2003). "Reian Reaction to the Coup of 2003" (in Reian). Tanjō, Reia: Government of Reia. Retrieved 22 January 2021.CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  13. Volkov, Alexei (18 June 2003). "Official Zloveshchiyan Statement on the 2003 Coup" (in Zloveshchiyan). Preispodnyaya, Zloveshchiy: Presidency of Zloveshchiy. p. 1. Retrieved 10 September 2021.CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)


Further reading

External links

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