Tyrandor

Royal Federation of Tyrandor
Flag Coat of arms
Motto: "Ever watchful we stand."
Location	Between Leorkhin (west), New Illyricum (north), Pavulturilor (east), and the Romanyan Sea (south).
Capital and largest city	Tyran
Official languages	Creeperian
Recognised national languages	Native Tyrani Arabic
Ethnic groups	42% Tyrani 29% Caltradi 15% Rivani 5% Pavultuilori 4% Gaúcho 3% Leorian 2% Other
Religion	57% Catholic 32% Non-Religious 11% Muslim <1% Other
Demonym(s)	Tyranian
Government	Federal monarchy
• King	Carlos III Navarro
Population
• 2022 estimate	32.4 million
GDP (nominal)	2022 estimate
• Total	₮ ??? (₵1.42 trillion Quebecshirite Credits)
• Per capita	₮ ??? Tyranian tyra (₵31,464 Quebecshirite Credits)
Gini (2022)	49.5 high
HDI (2022)	0.819 very high · 21st
Currency	Tyranian tyra (TYR)
Time zone	AMT-4 ( TTS)
Date format	mm/dd/yyyy
Driving side	right
Calling code	+27
Internet TLD	.ty

Tyrandor, officially the Royal Federation of Tyrandor, is a coastal country located in the south of the Ecros continent. It is bordered by Leorkhin to the west, New Illyricum to the north, and Pavulturilor to the east. It has a long southern coastline on the Romanyan Sea. Tyrandor's capital and largest city-- also namesake-- is Tyran, located on the southeastern coast at the mouth of the Serpentor River. Tyrandor is labeled as a royal federation despite following the feudal monarchy that has defined its identity since 1136. It is divided into twenty semi-autonomous provinces that answer to reigning royal authority in Tyran. As of 2022, its population was estimated at 32.4 million.

History

Tribal Civilization

Virtually zero written historical record exists of the civilization(s) that existed prior to the conquest by the Romanyan Empire, as the first external records of the disorganized, warring tribes that occupied modern Tyrandor were published by Romanyan scholars as early as 270 BC, though the Vyrakar Manuscripts written by the pre-Tyrani people themselves predates Romanyan accounts by almost five centuries.

Archaeological studies within the last hundred-fifty years have routinely found evidence to support these old records documenting perpetual tribal warfare, finding a plethora of antiquity sites containing preserved weapons, ammunition, corpses, and other artifacts, most notably around Lake Rivan, Dracona, and the Myzera Forest. The earliest timestamp of archaelogical findings dates back to approximately 2200 BCE, though it is speculated that Tyrandor's tribal civilizations originated as far as a millennia earlier.

City-State of Vyrakar

The developed civilization of Tyrandor began with the settlement of Vyrakar by the wandering tribespeople of southern Ecros around 900 BCE. The Vyrakar Manuscripts are the oldest surviving written records (dated circa. 750 BCE), and are the only record available to explain the earliest days of what would later develop into the city of Tyran.

The manuscripts describe the city as "a bastion to shelter people from the dark", hinting at ethnic groups fleeing the persistent turmoil of the surrounding environs. Studies of human remains buried in and around the city limits confirmed the presence of a vastly diverse population very early on in the city's life.

From its onset, Vyrakar was a defensive, militarized, meritocratic society containing a council of seven individuals that assumed government control. New appointees and major decisions of government were almost always held to a vote amongst the council, which applied a critical sense of early stability.

The warrior society of Vyrakar, for its defensive posture and stiff-lipped demeanor, was-- and still is-- much reminiscent of ancient Sparta.

By 350 BCE, Vyrakar had become a full-fledged, developed city-state. In the three centuries since the writing of the Vyrakar Manuscripts, the Vyrakari had encountered and defeated well over a dozen incursions from the Raveni, Cyreni, and Antieti peoples of what is now southeastern Tyrandor. Their military prowess had earned them the praise and respect of nearby regional powers-- including the newly-upstart Romanyan Republic.

Romanyan Wars and Conquest

In 273 BCE, the expanding Romanyans had entered what is now western Tyrandor, first pioneering into the watershed of Lake Rivan. A 270 BCE report attributed to the Romanyan intellectual Lysidamus Tutor directly described the area as "volatile and barbaric, as they take up arms at the slightest of provocations," whereas several later reports from Romanyan scholars gave similar descriptions.

In the autumn of 269 BCE, a Romanyan military expedition under the command of Marcus Auxilium Salvius encountered the city-state of Vyrakar. Upon approaching the city, the Vyrakari, sensing an existential threat posed by the Romanyans, refused entry. Disappointed but undeterred, the general reported his finding of Tirakar back to the senate in Romanya, stressing the importance of "securing this gemstone of a city, for its power is vast and its wealth flowing like the sea."

The general's proposal was resounding enough that, by the beginning of 268 BCE, the Romanyan senate granted additional resources to conquer Vyrakar and its domains. Word of the Romanyans' intentions was quick to reach Vyrakar, and its people prepared for the coming war campaign.

The conflict with the Romanyans was marked by a long, slow war of attrition where most confrontations were branded as small raids and skirmishing actions. The seven-year period from 268-261 BCE saw only five large pitched battles where only two yielded significant change, at Mons Draco in 267 and Cyrene Cliffs in 263 respectively. The Vyrakari defeat at Cyrene Cliffs decided the course of the war. Never able to mount another effective defense, the remaining organized Vyrakari resistance was driven back to Vyrakar over the course of 262-261 BCE by a significantly larger force under Salvius. In the spring of 261 BCE, Salvius reached the city and dug in for a siege. Despite the predicament, the Vyrakari put up a stiff resistance that thwarted two storming attempts-- much to the frustration and respect of Salvius. However, after twelve costly months and facing imminent starvation, the Vyrakari surrendered the city.

Upon entering, the Romanyan besiegers moved to pillage the city, an act that was halted at the instruction of Salvius, who ordered that "the city shall be spared, for our foe has fought in great honor and we have achieved our whims." However, some Romanyans disregarded the order and went about looting anyway, but for the most part, the city was spared from significant damage due to this gesture of respect.

Following his success, Salvius sent word back to Romanya of his victory. For his effort, the senate appointed him as the governor of Vyrakar. Citing his early compliments of the city, he ordered the city to be formally renamed to Tiara, aptly named after a jeweled tiara.

The mutual respect and mercy shown to the now newly-branded Tiarans was enough to soothe most of the city populace, but not all. Less than two years later, in 259 BCE, a large revolt took place in the vicinity of what is today Ascalona. Not to be deterred, Salvius personally led a retinue north of the city and quickly cornered the rebels against the Serpentor River, where he decisively defeated them.

This defeat marked the destruction of the city-state of Vyrakar as it assumed its new identity under Romanyan control.

Romanyan City of Tiara

In the years following the Romanyan conquest, the people of the new city of Tiara were able to enjoy many luxuries under the governorship of Salvius, as the general proved to be a capable statesman that was "more invested in the city than the military career that put him there," according to several of his peers. Until his death in 219 BCE, Salvius spent his time, influence, and wealth on the city; while initially skeptical of his dedication, the Tiarans slowly warmed to his care and attention. During his thirty-year governorship, Tiara was vastly expanded, with massive improvements to its maritime and sanitation infrastructure. It became a vital transit point for wealth, people, and goods moving to and from the eastern frontiers-- a thriving, strategically-critical city that became a common subject of discourse in Romanya.

Subsequent governors following Salvius made similar projects, with varying degrees of scale and success. The significant influx of Romanyan traffic of many ethnic groups and social sects led to long-term cultural changes as the city was subject to intense Romanization. Despite the cultural melting pot, Tiara retained a sense of domestic identity through its proud, protective military history-- one it retains in the modern day.

On sheer growth alone, some speculate that, at the height of its Romanyan influence, Tiara's size and wealth was comparable to Romanya itself, though both Romanyan and Tiaran sources have disputed this claim differently. Most modern Tyranian historians write this notion off as a rumor, yet some continue to make its case. However, in the context of the 250 years following the death of Salvius, the material value and grandeur of the city was, in the eyes of some, near-equal with the capital of the Romanyan world.

Even with the foundation of other major cities such as Antietam, Archon, and Caltrad, Tiara remained a dominant socioeconomic sphere of Romanyan influence in southern Ecros. This period of elevated prosperity persisted until 284 AD, when the Romanyan Empire was split into north and south at the direction of Emperor Diocletian. For its placement in Ecros, and its strong political ties to Romanya, Tiara assumed a place in the northern empire. While not immediately affected, the slow waning of Romanyan influence in Ecros progressively injured Tiara's status, further exacerbated by the relocation of the Imperial Court under Constantine I to Savotta in 330.

By the late 6th century, Tiara was in a state of deterioration. Many outsiders, such as the late-Romanyan scholar Gnaus Vilianus, described the city as "rotting away at its roots and sinking away in its corruption, yet upholding the mask of its luster, brightness, and lavishness." Inequality and poverty had been taking an increasingly large toll, and by 600, the city's flaws were in the public spotlight. Yet despite its predicament, Tiara remained a wealthy city due to its continued trade traffic, later serving as a key point of evacuation for refugees, notably wealthy patricians, fleeing the early expansions of the Rashidun Muslims to the east.

Muslim Conquest

With the rise of Islam in the 600s, the Romanyan subjects of southern Ecros, especially those in Tiara, recognized the rising threat posed to their influence, further amplified by the death of the prophet Muhammed in 632 and the subsequent foundation of the Rashidun Caliphate under Abu Bakr. From the onset of Rashidun expansion, the caliphs were well-informed of the danger posed by the Romanyan bastion in Tiara, and understood the importance of the city. Abu Bakr's successor, Umar Ibn al-Khattab, is attributed to describing the city as follows: "This place... it is the heart of the Romanyan warrior. You may parry his weapons, but strike him in the heart, and he shall fall." However, he was never able to see the city conquered, as he was assassinated in 644 and succeeded by Uthman Ibn Affan.

Under Uthman, the Muslims achieved several further breakthroughs along the Romanyan frontier that gave the Caliphate a significant offensive advantage, culminated by a major victory against the empire in 651, on what is now Tyrandor's far-southeastern border with Pavulturilor. Sensing an opportunity and capitalizing on the weakness of Romanyan resolve, Uthman personally led a Muslim army in the direction of Tiara less than one year later, intent on taking the city and securing not only the glory of such a decisive blow, but the huge strategic prize along with it. In early 652, Uthman's army reached Tiara, where they made immediate preparations for a siege.

The siege of Tiara lasted eleven months, with the beleaguered garrison resisting four direct assaults but ultimately signaling surrender by the end of November 652, opening the gates to the Rashiduns. In a chain of events highly reminiscent of the first Romanyan conquest under Salvius, Uthman ordered the city spared from most major harm, with little pillaging taking place. After surveying his prize for the following month and recognizing the feat he had achieved, the caliph formally renamed the city to Tyran on 31 December 652, the name on which modern Tyran, and Tyrandor at large, is based. A Muslim account published several months after the siege suggested that the name was changed because Tiara was "too Romanyan for the conquerors' tastes," whereas the alternative was pronounced in a very similar manner. Because of this, the populace of the city generally accepted the change, as the vocal adaptation was not too difficult. As they had been spared from desecration by the Muslims, one modern historian concluded that "a simple name change as a concession is the tamest thing the Rashiduns could have done, as the potential for destruction was existentially worse."

Tiara, now Tyran, proved to be one of the final major strongholds of disintegrating Romanyan influence on Ecros, for less than thirty years later, Romanya itself would fall and face abandonment in 680. The collapse of Romanya was the final measure in the absolute destruction of the northern Romanyan Empire.

Muslim and Savottan Rule

Following the fall of Romanyan Tiara, the Tyranians received a mostly similar treatment at the hands of the Rashiduns. While no significant improvements took place, the existing roads and infrastructure of the city was well-maintained by citizen labor groups that performed routine maintenance, some organized by the Muslim occupiers and others organized by local city districts themselves.

After the overthrow of the Rashidun Caliphate in 661 at the end of the First Fitnah, appointed city officials sympathetic to Mu'awiya I opened the gates to the Umayyads, where it was fully secured without a fight. Some of the previous appointees that were aligned with the collapsed Rashiduns were banished from the city-- with most imprisoned and a small number executed.

Under the Umayyads, Tyran remained a wealthy trade center on the former-Romanyan frontier, used extensively by the Muslims as a supply harbor and transit point through the Romanyan Sea. The city would see further expansion and improvement at the oversight of Marwan I, who placed further importance on what he regarded as "the place where all roads lead, from the earth, the sea, and the sky." Despite being a frontier state, the sphere of control around Tyran was well-defended and faced few outside threats of any reasonable significance.

The peace would last until the summer of 747, when a Savottan army under the command of Emperor Justinius landed just east of Cyrene with the intention of securing the former Romanyan stronghold. Less than two months into their campaign, the Savottans encountered and decisively destroyed a reactionary Umayyad force sent to stop them. The failure to stop the Savottans was a wholesale political disaster for the Umayyads, directly contributing to the collapse of the Umayyads during the Second Fitnah and Abbasid Revolution of 750. Such developments led to Tyran and its neighboring domains being left borderline undefended by the Muslims, who upon spotting the Savottan column, surrendered the city almost immediately. Afterward, Justinius appointed his own military governor, Gaius Silanus, who organized a protracted defense of the city, as he expected a Muslim counterattack. A counteroffensive would eventually come-- over 40 years later in 788, well after the tenure of Silanus. But Silanus' meticulous organization and localized military reforms in the Tyran locale proved successful in the long term, as a joint Tyranian-Savottan garrison under the command of Marcus Ignatius ambushed and routed a large Abbasid army south of Mount Elsidian, further securing Savottan control of Tyran for the next decade.

However, the tenure of government by the Savottans was short-lived. By 800, it was clear to the Tyranians that Savottan influence in Ecros was rapidly detereorating. However, being a major urban and economic center, the effects of the empire's diminishing influence had yet to take any significant hold on Tyran and its local domains in Ravenna, Cyrene, Draco, and Vesar. In a repeat of historical precedent, the Abbasids under Caliph Salim as-Saffah recognized the opportunity opened up by weakening Savottan resolve, capitalizing on it by marching on Tyran in the spring of 816. Just as they had done before in 788, a Savottan army marched from Tyran to intercept the Muslims, but a mix of overconfidence and lackluster scouting led to a catastrophic reversal that saw the Savottans ambushed instead, where they were systematically annihilated en masse at Bolzan. The Muslims continued an enthusiastic march towards Tyran, where upon reaching it, they were confronted by another Savottan army under the command of the military governor Maxentius Xifra. Having numerical advantage, the Abbasids surrounded the city and its Savottan garrison, pinning it against the river in a loose siege. After a lengthy four-month standoff and with supplies running out, an impatient Xifra ordered his force to advance and force battle.

The battle spanned four days, with vicious clashes taking place for almost all daylight hours. While the Muslims secured victory following the Savottans' surrender, losses on both sides were catastrophic. While popularly regarded as folklore, there are some records of an incident taking place where survivors from both sides came together and held a joint funeral mass to mourn both friend and foe that were killed in the battle. However, there is no solid historical evidence that this event took place.

As the city and its holdings fell into Muslim hands for the second time, it was realized by the people of Tyran that not only had Savottan control of Ecros been almost entirely dismantled, but also that the most recent battle had devastated the ethnic Tyrani. One Muslim manuscript written shortly after the battle stated that an estimated 3 out of every 5 fighting-age males was "either dead, wounded, or otherwise incapacitated", whether as a direct result of the battle or any of the circumstances immediately after the fact.

After the Abbasid conquest, the war-scarred inhabitants of the Tyran domain enjoyed many of the same luxuries as they had under Umayyad rule, resulting in a quiet, progressive peace that would last over a century, allowing the Tyranians at large to reap the benefits of the Islamic Golden Age, as Tyran continued to fulfill its long-standing historical role as a wealthy trade hub and frequent shipping transit point.

By the early 900s, however, the Abbasids' special attention to Tyran began to waver, and by 930 it was ranging on neglect. Infrastructure and sanitation began to deteriorate, both in urban Tyran and in the rural communities in its periphery. The people of Tyran, having rejuvenated in the century after Savottan rule, took a exception to this progressively worsening mistreatment, and by 940, there were clear clear signs of major secessionist tensions building up.

The Valerian Uprisings

The year 941 saw the first of a series of unsuccessful Tyranian revolts against the Abbasids, with other significant uprisings taking place in 963 and 1084 and many smaller ones scattered between. After the 1084 rebellion, a weakening Abbasid regime responded by setting fire to the city and some of the surrounding settlements. Much of the old city district and port infrastructure was destroyed, including significant damage to the Library of Vyrakar. The damaged sectors within the city were quickly rebuilt, but for a time, this incident pacified and disheartened the more unruly of the Tyranians, though other isolated rebellious incidents continued to occur for the next 40 years.

By 1125, Abbasid influence over the city continued to waver as the Caliphate grew progressively weaker from both internal and external pressure. At this time, sensing the opportunity to break Tyran from Muslim control were Valerian Excelsior and his brother Leonidas. Valerian and Leonidas were of long-standing Romanyan military heritage and both were serving active military careers, though Valerian proved to be a better statesman and Leonidas a better warrior and military commander.

The first revolt took place near Ascalona in 1127, and initially made significant progress in the rural periphery of Tyran. A lack in coordination and unified support however resulted in a swift Muslim response that effectively destroyed the Valerian rebels without any major battles. Not to be discouraged, Valerian tried again one year later, this time near Ravenna in 1128, with a similar result. Still, Valerian persisted and tried a third time at Ascalona again in 1131. This rebellion went even more poorly than the last one, as the localized Muslim defenders were alert and prepared for the possibility following his second attempt. Near the end of the year, Valerian and Leonidas were detained and arrested northwest of Ravenna, effectively ending the revolt within six months.

Leonidas is said to have escaped captivity, and led a group of Tyranian warriors in successfully breaking Valerian out of his imprisonment before he was set to be executed in Tyran. While greatly disheartened with his three previous failures, Leonidas encouraged his brother, pressuring him to reevaluate their strategy and try again, saying, "The city wants this. I may not have your great words, or your charm, brother. But I have my men and my sword. And they will follow you to the very end."

Inspired by this, Valerian acted on his brother's words. After formulating another plan, the pair relocated to Cyrene in 1134, where they incited a fourth revolt against the Abbasids. With a slower, more cautious strategy, the fourth rebellion eventually brought results after two years of slow guerilla warfare, with the Muslim garrison of Cyrene ousted in the spring of 1136, and the gates opened to Valerian and his Tyranian entourage.

This development fiercely irritated the Abbasid-appointed governor of Tyran, Ali ibn al-Qatab, who recognized the considerably larger threat posed by Valerian despite defeating him three separate times prior. The governor personally assembled an army at Ascalona, backed by reinforcements from eastern Yacaria, in modern-day Pavulturilor, and marched out to bring Valerian to battle.

After inflicting several small defeats on local Muslim garrisons, Valerian and Leonidas were informed of the approaching retaliation force. Leonidas argued to continue the successful guerilla campaign further, but Valerian disagreed, saying that, "We have what we need. The people of Tyran are behind us, and we must stand up for them if we wish to break our chains." Despite some heated arguments, it was finally agreed-- the rebels would consolidate and do battle.

Having secured huge supplies of wealth, weapons, and armor from earlier raids, the Valerian army was well-equipped and, despite containing undertrained troops, had many seasoned veterans and soldiers that had defected from Muslim ranks. Yet despite these qualities, the governor's army was numerically-superior, better equipped, and better trained, leaving the rebels at a considerable disadvantage. Nevertheless, the Valerians marched from Cyrene in the autumn of 1136, heading in the direction of Tyran to entice the Muslim contingent to pursue. The Muslims obliged, and the two sides met at the Battle of Lacirima, near what is today Magistral.

Despite being outnumbered and outclassed in virtually every metric, the Valerians achieved a hard-fought and equally costly victory. Governor al-Qatab was killed in the battle, Valerian lost his left hand, and Leonidas was severely wounded. Achieving such a decisive victory allowed Valerian to march directly on Tyran unopposed, where upon reaching the city, the population celebrated his arrival and opened the gates without bloodshed. After several days of surveying the city, Valerian gave an address on the steps of Vyrakar Citadel declaring that, "The oppressors' chains no longer bind us. We are a free people, all for ourselves," effective declaring Tyran's independence from Muslim rule. Soon after, a wounded Leonidas willed his officers to elect Valerian as king, of which they would oblige.

On 01 November 1136, Valerian was coronated King Valerian I Excelsor of Tyrandor in a simple, but highly publicized ceremony. Valerian specifically requested adding the "-dor" to the name of his new kingdom, citing the ancient Vyrakari word for "home". Cyrene and Ravenna would also adopt this change soon after on their own, becoming Cyrendor and Ravendor respectively.

Satisfied with his work, Leonidas would succumb to his injuries, passing away in his sleep the same night.

The Kingdom of Tyrandor

Despite the losses incurred over the course of his rebellions, Valerian quickly consolidated his position as king, creating the Royal Court of Tyran within the first two months of his reign, leading to the formal creation of the Kingdom of Tyrandor. He appointed capable statemen to his court, selecting individuals from his both army and the local population, and promoted the best-performing officers of his army to higher military positions. The new court, highly loyal to the new king, spent the first months of 1137 shaping Tyran's government hierarchy and drafting new laws-- including for the court officers themselves.

This early administrative effort proved very popular with the people of Tyran, who saw the measures as promoting stability and preventing corruption in the government. Valerian continued to focus on the civil development of his kingdom, authorizing his appointed generals to act as they saw fit in defending the city's domains and stripping away holdings from the ever-weakening Abbasids. The generals came together and formed a war strategy, deemed the 1150 Plan, to drastically expand Tyran's holdings by the year 1150.

Spearheaded by Leonidas' former second-in-command Andreos Xifra (a blood descendant of Maxentius Xifra, the Savottan governor defeated by the Abbasids three centuries earlier), five Tyranian armies assembled in and departed from the city in the summer of 1137. Together, the Tyranian armies pushed the frontiers on all sides, where the Abbasids proved unable to check them. After many small-scale raids and victories against garrisons, the main Tyranian army under the command of Xifra was blocked in the Gate of Vesar by a mobilized response force of about equal size. A combination of high morale, improved training, and quality supplies allowed the Tyranians to advance on the Muslims, where they quickly and soundly routed them; it would be one of three major clashes until 1315, with one in 1190 and the other in 1223-- both resounding victories for Tyran.

The 1150 Plan had the exact effect as it had intended; Tyrandor's territorial holdings were vastly expanded to include Tyran, Ravendor, Cyrendor, Dracona, Vesar, Archon, Antietam, and parts of Averon and Savona-- all by the year 1150. Seeing such success, Valerian stopped the expansion in order to consolidate Tyranian rule over the new territories, doing so until his death in 1157 and passing the throne to his eldest son Lucas.

Lucas possessed the same talents as his father, with greater skills in diplomacy that allowed him to contact and establish many lucrative trade deals with local neighbors and across the Romanyan Sea. Territorial expansion slowed in favor of diplomatic connections-- a constructive policy that would continue until 1312.

With the passing of King Marcus I in 1312, rule was passed to his daughter, Valeria, as she was his only blood offspring. Valeria, being a confident and ambitious woman, had observed that the Abbasids were crumbling and dangerously weak, as were most of Tyrandor's direct neighbors. Immediately after her coronation, she ordered the assembly of six armies, one in each of the peripheral urban centers, and gave instructions to expand Tyran's holdings.

In three years, Tyranian influence had been spread across the entirety of the Cinder Steppe and all but the territories surrounding Lake Rivan. The Rivani peoples of modern-day Pyran, Moldava, and Rivana had been subdued by the Kingdom of Ferunia and Trurnia years earlier, and many saw the approaching Tyranians as a way to break away from Ferunian rule. Those willing to fight the Ferunians banded together near Abdera, and upon meeting the Tyranians pledged their loyalty in exchange for their freedom. Sensing the opportunity, Valeria ordered her armies to march into Ferunian-held territory, effectively declaring war.

The Ferunians had some early success against the Tyranians, inflicting a heavy setback at the Ancare River in the spring of 1313, which saw the ambush and destruction of a ~15,000-strong force led by the governor of Archon-- Valeria's cousin, Adama of Archon. But Valeria, was not discouraged and neither were Adama and the staffers of the Royal Court. After many months of pursuit and several other battles, a combined Tyranian army cornered and confronted the Ferunians outside of Rivana, where they were soundly defeated. This victory allowed the Tyranians to lay siege to Rivana, and consolidate further efforts around Pyran. By the summer of 1314, both Pyran and Rivana had surrendered, leaving the far northwest domain of Moldava to fight the Tyranians alone. After a handful of small clashes, Moldava too yielded, effectively ending the war by June.

By January of 1315, Tyrandor had reached its largest land area-- one it retains to this day. Satisfied with the results, Queen Valeria ordered the cessation of offensive military operations in order to consolidate her rule and incorporate the newly gained territories.

Following the rule of Valeria, there were rare and sporadic expeditions made by Tyranian forces for the next two centuries, though none brought any meaningful gains. Tyrandor and its nineteen other subordinate states were able to enjoy a time of peace and overall prosperity widely regarded by the people of Tyrandor as Tyrandor's golden age, a period that would last until the first clashes with Montcrabe in 1521.

Conflicts with Montcrabe

Tyran had long-recognized the threat of the Montcrabins prior to 1521, having been an immediate bystander to the War of Costea in 1483; this was further exacerbated by the ambition of Prince Constantino II of Montcrabe. Preliminary expeditions into Tyrandor's western territories had brought significant results for the Montcrabins early, as the response forces dispatched by King Hadrian were outnumbered and unable to contain them. As Constantino's eastern army approached Tyranian territory from Pavulturilor, King Hadrian personally led forces to block him. Initially, when the prince found the roads blocked by Tyranian forces, he stopped to reevaluate, leading to several days of standoff. Ultimately, the prince advanced and forced battle, attempting to break through a blocking force led by the Tyranian king's younger sister, Savanna Ventor. After several days of stubborn clashes, the Montcrabins were unable to break through, forcing Constantino to withdraw. While tactically indecisive, this was seen as a promising strategic Tyranian victory, though the situation in the west continued to rapidly deteriorate.

The next two years, from 1521-1523, saw a large slew of minor skirmishes with a handful of noteworthy encounters, notably in the Vesar province. Neither side was able to establish strategic advantage in the east, despite the decisive clashes at Lake Vesar in 1521, Vesar's Gate and the Fiume River in 1522, and Mount Elsidian in 1523-- the latter two were Tyranian victories. West of the Serpentor River, the Tyranian host continued to send blocking forces to stall the Montcrabin advance towards Tyran, with varying degrees of success.

Facing a long, costly campaign without a decisive victory, and facing mounting pressure from Montcrabe, Constantino mustered reinforcements in western Pavulturilor, amounting to the largest army fielded during the conflict, and set out heading straight for Tyran. King Hadrian was informed of the danger and made preparations to defend the city, sending another blocking force under the command of his brother, Antonius, to stop the Montcrabin column.

Both sides wielded a powerful resolve and near-identical troop quality, but as was precedent, Montcrabins held numerical advantage. When the two sides met at Raphae, the Montcrabins were able to narrowly defeat and rout the Tyranian host. Antonius was slain in the battle, and the scattered remnants of the army either fled back to Tyran or dispersed outright. Sensing a final strategic advantage, Constantino pressed on to Tyran, reaching the city in the autumn of 1523, where siege preparations were made.

Having heard the news of the rout at Raphae ahead of time, King Hadrian had prepared the city for a prolonged siege in advance. For the first months of siege, little action would occur outside from small probing attacks, in which Constantino discovered that the city was securely locked down. Undeterred, the prince continued to cut off the city.

Despite the prince's resolve, King Hadrian refused to give up the city despite a heavy disadvantage.

The siege of Tyran would persist until the autumn of 1527-- four whole years-- with significant casualties on both sides from the sporadic back-and-forth confrontations both inside and outside of the city walls. By 11 November, Constantino and the Montcrabins were running out of supplies, and, as his war council informed him of that the city showed no sign of surrender. Hearing this, the prince reportedly remarked, "If they hold their walls so well, then we shall subject them to the greatest of mights." The Montcrabins then moved to directly assault the Tyranian fortifications immediately after.

Even while at considerable disadvantage, the Tyranian defense held. The Montcrabins made five assaults in the span of a week, but could not subdue Hadrian's defense. These directed efforts inflicted heavy losses on the Montcrabins. Recognizing the reality of continuing with little hope of success, Constantino abandoned the siege and withdrew to Ascalona. Following the retreat, the garrison celebrated for several days afterward. Hadrian is said to have avoided the festivities, telling a court officer, "A king that loses his kingdom does not celebrate clawing back from certain death."

In the days following, Hadrian's war council pressured him into giving chase and destroying the Montcrabins. But Hadrian refused battle, citing that the war had been devastatingly costly on both sides, saying, "Our war is a wicked tree without fruit. What we have lost does not make worth of what we have gained. And if we continue now, we may as well dig two graves and prepare our processions now. The only way for us, and for them, is by way of peace, for we have fought for many a year, and all for naught. We must cut down the wicked tree, and see peace for all."

With these words, he dispatched a runner carrying a letter-- with some of these exact words verbatim-- to the Montcrabin camp in Ascalona, where it was delivered in-person to Constantino. Despite his loss, the Montcrabin prince recognized Hadrian's peace offer as an honorable gesture and accepted the offer to meet and open negotiations.

Hadrian and Constantino met with small guard retinues near Ascalona, and after a day of talks, reached an accord. Tyran was allowed to maintain semi-autonomy over its territories, but also effectively became a Montcrabin client-state. Another part of the deal was a diplomatic marriage between Constantino and Hadrian's sister Savanna, who had encountered and forced Constantino into a stalemate in their first confrontation at Viridins. Understanding the gravity of the situation and wanting to ensure peace, she volunteered her hand for the marriage, a gesture that Constantino accepted. This act would formally solidify the blood partnership between the two states, and allow Tyrandor to rebuild and exist peacefully with a loose level of autonomy until 1779.

Having developed a significant respect for each other as former enemies, the Tyranians and Montcrabins have since opened many treaties and lucrative trade deals-- many established within the decade following the peace agreement-- leading to long-standing positive relations between the two. This relationship persists in the modern day.

Involvement with Ilírica

With its large harbors on the Romanyan Sea and well-established transportation infrastructure, Tyrandor, like its neighbor Pavulturilor, proved to be a considerable strategic overseas asset to the Montcrabins, as Prince Constantino had correctly predicted. Because of this, and also as a result of their peace agreement, reconstruction efforts for Tyran and its subordinate states was timely and efficient. Damages from the war were quickly repaired, including a large number of bridges across major crossings and rural areas that had suffered from raids and looting. Combined with the restorative treaties that were formed in the ten years following the war, Tyrandor at large was economically-stable by 1540 and, by then, generally asserted itself for the wealth it was historically known for.

Over a century later were the first military obligations of the arrangement. With the onset of the War of the Trout in 1661, Tyrandor became a frontier of the Montcrabin invasion of Illyricum, like Pavulturilor to the east. All of Tyrandor's major southern ports became open supply lanes heading north, but most traffic went through Tyran, Antietam, Karalis, and Arcadian. Even a handful of inland ports saw an influx of incoming supplies, as was the case in Caltrad, Averon, and Archon. Some historical record suggests that some Montcrabin shipping got as far inland as Abdera. Initially, Tyrandor avoided direct involvement in the conflict, as King Hadrian III Ventor was cautious to the outbreak of war, telling a member of his court, "Oh, dear God. All this over a fishing boat."

But avoiding the conflict proved useless, as Prince Maximiano I of Montcrabe pressed Tyran to contribute manpower to the conflict while citing their treaty, demanding a minimum quota of 3,000 men. In 1661, Tyrandor alone maintained a combined standing army of ten times that number, where most were willing to go and fight according to its officers. Out of good faith, Tyrandor volunteered double the quota, contributing about 6,000 men and 100 cannons under the direct command of the accomplished field marshal Angelo Silesi. Most of these soldiers saw direct action, and casualties were reassuringly low.

Tyran's exact involvement in the war is a matter of debate. Due to the operational security of Marshal Silesi, very little record remains of what the Tyranian contigent participated in exactly. But what is commonly agreed by most parties is that the Tyranians were rewarded handsomely for their effort, suggesting that Silesi's forces performed well regardless of their activities.

The closure of the war in January 1666 saw the emergence of the Viceroyalty of Ilírica as a governing power. When the idea to incorporate Tyrandor with the Viceroyalty was floated by the new Viceroy, Hadrius Cantaber, Hadrian III spoke out against it and vouched for the current system wherein Tyrandor remained a semi-autonomous state, citing that such a process was working well already, and that change was not necessary. This opinion was seconded by Marshal Silesi, who also spoke out against the idea. Confronted with the backlash, Maximiano elected to respect Tyran's wishes and not incorporate Tyrandor as a part of the Viceroyalty, leaving Tyrandor as a self-governing client state. The close Montcrabin tether to Tyrandor would remain for another 118 years, until the Viceroyalty's collapse in 1779.

When the Viceroyalty fell, King Darius I sensed an opportunity to wield greater domestic influence again, Tyran offered another arrangement with the royals of Montcrabe, one that would allow Tyrandor to retake and secure territories in exchange for more open autonomy. This offer was accepted, and upon safely securing threatened territory on the outskirts of what is now modern Tyrandor, Montcrabe released Tyrandor from client-state status in 1781. Still wishing to maintain close diplomatic ties with Montcrabe and Tyrandor's surrounding states, Darius led his kingdom into joining the Gaúcho Commonwealth the same year, despite the Gaúcho community amounting to a slim minority (<5%) of the population.

Industrialization & The Early Modern Period

As a member of the Commonwealth, Tyrandor was able to greatly capitalize on its existing economic connections to not only Ecros, but to Sur as well. As maritime technology and infrastructure improved, exacerbated by the onset of the Industrial Revolution, Tyrandor's industrial output was multiplied and its already-vast trade network expanded further. By the onset of the 1820s, Tyrandor was an economic power of global significance, serving as a vital gateway between Ecros and Sur and competing directly with more prominent sea-faring powers such as Montcrabe. Holding long military traditions-- and those of grievance dueling-- prompted an explosion of arms manufacturing of all kinds, leading to private arsenals containing many unorthodox combinations of weaponry. By 1890, the number of weapons per capita in the country was 4.83.

Aiding the nation greatly throughout the 19th century was a series of well-regarded monarchs from the House of Patri; King Hadrian V, Queen Elenora I, Queen Christiana I, and King Marcos I, whom made up the royal lineage until 1909.

For virtually all of the 1800s, Tyrandor presented itself as a principal participant in the Commonwealth, even going as far as breaking its standing military isolationism by directly intervening in the Montcrabin Civil War from 1900-1907. Tyrandor made a sharp shift back to a defensive military posture after the death of Marcos I, as was reinstated by his successor, Carlos II. Historians debate if this move carried any major diplomatic weight, as a cautious Carlos kept Tyrandor firmly away from foreign violence and intervention for the entire duration of his rule. Until his resignation from the throne in 1934, the GDP had plateaued off and even contracted slightly, but even so, the nation remained a wealthy power in southern Ecros.

Federalization & The South Ecros War

Carlos' replacement marked the end of the House of Patri, as the ever-sickly king did not have any blood offspring. Instead, he picked the youthful Marcos Regnatus, who at the time was a lesser member of the State Affairs Ministry within the Royal Court. Carlos regarded Marcos closely, heralding him as his son despite there being no blood relation, thus he was deemed successor and elevated to the throne in July of 1933. From the beginning, Marcos made it clear that he saw room for improvement with Tyran's governing structure, as it had not received any major changes or streamlining updates since the 1530s.

Citing a need to become "a proper modernized nation, in this world full of rapidly modernizing nations," Marcos made an impassioned effort to rebrand the country. This did not sit well with many political sects within the Royal Court-- this threat loomed and caused some degree of panic at the possibility of the monarchy facing radical changes if not dissolution. However, in practice, not much changed. The provinces were given greater autonomy, and were branded as "federal provinces". The monarchy as it stood was labeled a "federal government", though the Royal Court of Tyran retained its name and major functions. But most historians will argue that Marcos' actions decentralized royal power in Tyran, which at first was received very cautiously by Tyrandor's subordinates states and royally-appointed governing officers. After some encouraging, the provinces began to act more on their own, serving as a field test for Marcos to make improvements and correct any flaws.

After a year of testing the system, Marcos convened his court to discuss the measures one more time. In an unorthodox gesture, he called a vote from the court for their approval, wherein the vote was evenly split. Unsatisfied, the king tested his federal monarchy concept for another whole year before calling the vote a second time. This time, seeing the benefits applied and improved over time, the approval was near-unanimous.

On 04 July 1935-- the anniversary of the Battle of Lacirima-- the king gave a public address on the steps of Vyrakar Citadel announcing the federalization of Tyrandor, deeming it a "royal federation" per his words. Having seen the results of his proposed changes and his hawkish prudence in perfecting them, his words were received with high enthusiasm from both the public and royal officials.

The federalization allowed not only Tyran, but also all of its provinces to act and engage in their own policy without needing direct oversight from the Royal Court. While Tyran retained the authority to screen, contribute to, encourage, and reject the actions of its subordinates, the provinces were able to engage in low-level diplomacy with other nearby countries. This helped local economies to sign more lucrative deals and allowed tailored tweaks to the legal code at the provincial level. Today, Tyrandor retains this system of governance, combined with a free market wherein the Royal Court sponsors some of their own industries in order to encourage competition. Altogether, this model has proven universally popular nationwide.

The most major disruption for Tyrandor's new monarchy came on 13 April 1944, when a communist-led coup broke out in Eleutherios. This event sparked the grander Eleutherian Civil War, which then violently escalated into the South Ecros War by December of 1945. While initially an uninvolved bystander to the conflict, public outcry demanded a military effort. A cautious yet emboldened Marcos, citing communist influence as the primary cause of the conflict, addressed his subjects on 07 December and announced Tyrandor's imminent involvement. Immediately following, the nation mobilized in support of its eastern neighbor Pavulturilor as the latter launched its invasion into Terranihil, an act effectively declaring war on all communist belligerents.

Tyranian assistance provided in Pavulturilor was able to make modest gains, but this extra aid was unable to break the stalemate that set in soon after the invasion was launched.

For its involvement, Tyrandor was on the victor's side of the conflict. Even while considerably costly for Tyran, Marcos declined virtually all war concessions for Tyrandor, reportedly remarking, "The threat is gone, for now, and Tyrandor can rest easy knowing that." This motion received mixed opinions from the public; some supported the modest, honorable gesture, while others felt that Tyrandor was not compensated for its contributions to the war-- which included many combat deaths.

At Marcos' direction, Tyrandor would make significant financial contributions to the reconstruction efforts in the years after the war, most chiefly in Eleutherios. He would continue his foreign aid stance all the way until the end of his reign. Such actions earned Tyrandor considerable favor on the global stage at the cost of an immense drop in economic output that would lead to a local recession from 1958 to 1960. Only then did the king cut back on his foreign spending.

Despite the economic stutter, Tyrandor was not drastically affected by the war, and the nation did not suffer any large cuts to its living standards.

The Week of the Bonfires

With the death of Marcos II on 04 January 1965, the progressive period of social policy in the three decades following the federalization of Tyrandor was left to his only child, Ardhan. Immediately following his coronation on 05 January, it was clear that Ardhan did not share the same empathy, generosity, and charm as his father, as he quickly did away with many of his predecessor's social and foreign aid programs, leading to several large protests including a standoff in the Raven Gulf between a Tyranian Navy frigate and three fishing boats that was resolved without incident.

After rescinding his father's policies and blaming their faults on "outsider influence and communist sentiments" from the war, he made several actions targeting the foreign and ethnic minorities within Tyrandor at large, notably the Illyrians of the north, Savoni of the northeast, and the Rivani peoples surrounding Lake Rivan. The week of 10-16 January is commonly accepted as the Week of the Bonfires, a period during which directed systemic oppression of these groups took place. There are several recorded instances of large-scale killings taking place during this time, wherein the bodies of those killed were burned en masse in large bonfires-- the act that gave this event its name.

Very few of Tyrandor's subjects were willing to carry out these orders; most were horrified and refused to conduct the killings. Some provinces were much more vocal about their disagreement, as was the case in Archon, Caltrad, and Vesar. Subsequently, on 15 January, Ardhan issued a decree stating that any who refused to participate would be branded for treason and thus made a target. However, instead of incentivizing Tyrandor to act on his whims, the decree incited a strong nationwide resentment, one that demanded his immediate removal.

On 16 January, a group of court officials organized by then-General Sebastian Navarro assembled in Ascalona, where orders were given to the 1st Army of Tyran to incite a coup d'etat. With support of the Tyranian Armed Forces and several members of the Vyrakar Guards, Navarro stormed the royal citadel with his men. Ardhan was cornered and, after a several-hour standoff, arrested and imprisoned within the citadel. General Navarro was appointed regent immediately following the confrontation. A court trial for the deposed king was held the day after the coup, where he was charged with both crimes against the state and crimes against humanity. With virtually no defense to be made, he was found guilty and quickly sentenced to death, condemned to be executed by firing squad the following day at the personal direction of Navarro himself, per the general's wishes.

Two days later, the Royal Court would formally solidify General Navarro's title as the new king in a hasty ceremony, crowning him King Sebastian I on 18 January 1965. Sebastian quickly reinstated Marcos II's social and diplomatic programs and popular policies in the months following his coronation, leading to a time of calm, but scarred peace.

Modern Tyrandor

Following the turmoil of the Week of the Bonfires, the new King Sebastian was quick and enthusiastic in his effort to restore order. Among his first actions as king was to systematically round up Ardhan's remaining supporters, including all surviving relatives, and prosecute them on similar charges-- crimes against humanity and treason. 687 individuals were brought before the Royal Court, where all but 24 were found guilty. An exact record of the sentences is not known, but most were subjected to life imprisonment or put to death for their involvement.

Despite Sebastian's voracious pursuit of justice, many of the ethnic groups most affected by Ardhan's oppression, notably the Rivani, continued protesting for further recompense. In an elaborate ceremony that he branded a "peace deal", Sebastian met with influencers and ethnic representatives of each province to discuss terms for effective reintegration with the monarchy, as many saw the Week of the Bonfires as an incentive to secede. Shrewd and amicable as he was, Sebastian struck an accord that paid appropriate recompense and prevented any secessions-- an act branded as his most successful defining moment as king.

The gap from 1965 to 1989 is labeled as largely uneventful, though most in Tyrandor consider this long peace to be a positive result. Sebastian's rule saw vast improvements to the nation's economy, infrastructure, and quality of life. This time period is considered one of the best overall in the nation's history, solidifying Sebastian's status as the greatest Tyranian monarch of the modern period.

On 13 December 1989, with his health deteriorating, the aging Sebastian stepped down from the throne after a 24-year rule, elevating his only son Carlos to the throne. Less than two weeks after his retirement, Sebastian would pass away peacefully from natural causes, on Christmas Day.

Following in his father's footsteps, Carlos continues upholding the progressive policy that King Marcos had introduced-- though some argue that he lacks the resolve and virility of his predecessor, especially as he ages further. Nevertheless, Tyrandor continues to be a unique, world power known for its niche monarchism and aversion to the long-standing ideological conflicts of ACES and CODECO-- though many political analysts believe this will not be the case for much longer.

See Also

• New Illyricum
• Pavulturilor
• Montcrabe
• Salisford
• Sconia
• Leorkhin